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    <title>Articles de Droit et Administration les plus consultés sur Cairn.info en 2025 | Cairn.info</title>
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    <rights>Cairn.info 2026</rights>

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                            <entry>
    <id>tag:cairn.info,2005:article:POUV_193_0007</id>
    <title type="html"><![CDATA[
        L’État de droit&#160;: crise de définitions |
        Qui en veut à l'État de droit ?
                    | Pouvoirs
            (2025/2 N° 193)
            ]]></title>
        <link href="https://droit.cairn.info/revue-pouvoirs-2025-2-page-7?lang=fr" type="text/html" rel="alternate" />
    <published>2025-04-04T00:00:00+02:00</published>
    <updated>2026-01-07T17:14:55+01:00</updated>
            <summary type="html"><![CDATA[While it is not difficult to situate the birth of the
<i>Rechtsstaat</i> concept in Germany, it is not easy to keep track
of it through importations, translations and transformations. The
object ofso many fantasies, the rule oflaw refers to very different
realities that are sometimes irreconcilable in view of its
meandering history: it may refer to the submission of the state to
the law, the separation of powers, the protection of rights, the
independence of judges, and even the democratic principle. The rule
of law is omnipresent as a fan concept that can be deployed ad
infinitum and that exerts an enchanting power over lawyers,
politicians and journalists. It is probably this unstable
definition and this uncertain content that explain its success and
leaves the question of how to think the concept of the rule of law
in contemporary liberal, democratic systems without a satisfactory
answer.]]></summary>
    </entry>
                                <entry>
    <id>tag:cairn.info,2005:article:POUV_193_0049</id>
    <title type="html"><![CDATA[
        Les juristes contre l’État de droit |
        Qui en veut à l'État de droit ?
                    | Pouvoirs
            (2025/2 N° 193)
            ]]></title>
        <link href="https://droit.cairn.info/revue-pouvoirs-2025-2-page-49?lang=fr" type="text/html" rel="alternate" />
    <published>2025-04-04T00:00:00+02:00</published>
    <updated>2026-01-07T17:14:49+01:00</updated>
            <summary type="html"><![CDATA[At a time when, in France, leading legal specialists are engaged in
a critique of the “excesses” of the rule of law, the article first
discusses a number of ambiguities attached to this concept in order
to qualify their interventions; it then looks at different jurists’
circles and associations which, while claiming to defend liberties,
develop a discourse that is critical of human rights and their
unconditional legal protection. Such a discourse marks a break with
a period when disagreements were expressed in a shared language
that accepted the legitimacy of the judge’s intervention.]]></summary>
    </entry>
                                <entry>
    <id>tag:cairn.info,2005:article:POUV_193_0021</id>
    <title type="html"><![CDATA[
        L’État de droit, un concept occidental&#160;? |
        Qui en veut à l'État de droit ?
                    | Pouvoirs
            (2025/2 N° 193)
            ]]></title>
        <link href="https://droit.cairn.info/revue-pouvoirs-2025-2-page-21?lang=fr" type="text/html" rel="alternate" />
    <published>2025-04-04T00:00:00+02:00</published>
    <updated>2026-01-07T17:14:42+01:00</updated>
            <summary type="html"><![CDATA[To survey the presence of the concept of rule of law outside
Europe, a distinction must be made between the word concept (with
the problems linked to its translation) and the concept itself
(with the problems linked to its definition). Such a survey can be
carried out spatially by studying the presence of the various
wordings of the rule of law in the present constitutions of the
countries of all continents. It can be carried out over time by
questioning the existence of the reality of the rule of law (even
without the name) in past extra-European judicial systems.]]></summary>
    </entry>
                                <entry>
    <id>tag:cairn.info,2005:article:POUV_193_0041</id>
    <title type="html"><![CDATA[
        L’«&#160;illibéralisme&#160;», ou les gouvernements contre l’État
de droit |
        Qui en veut à l'État de droit ?
                    | Pouvoirs
            (2025/2 N° 193)
            ]]></title>
        <link href="https://droit.cairn.info/revue-pouvoirs-2025-2-page-41?lang=fr" type="text/html" rel="alternate" />
    <published>2025-04-04T00:00:00+02:00</published>
    <updated>2026-01-07T17:14:36+01:00</updated>
            <summary type="html"><![CDATA[The advent of authoritarian governments based on so-called liberal
constitutions has deprived us of words to designate them and of
means to identify them. While the concept of “illiberalism” is
being currently used to describe these regimes, their aspiration
for unfettered power to act, whatever the facade they put on it,
refers in reality to a classic ideology of unlimited political
power.]]></summary>
    </entry>
                                <entry>
    <id>tag:cairn.info,2005:article:POUV_192_0017</id>
    <title type="html"><![CDATA[
        Les relations entre l’Élysée et Matignon&#160;: un problème
institutionnel de moins en moins personnel |
        Matignon
                    | Pouvoirs
            (2025/1 N° 192)
            ]]></title>
        <link href="https://droit.cairn.info/revue-pouvoirs-2025-1-page-17?lang=fr" type="text/html" rel="alternate" />
    <published>2025-01-10T00:00:00+01:00</published>
    <updated>2026-01-07T17:14:28+01:00</updated>
            <summary type="html"><![CDATA[Since the beginning of the Fifth Republic, much has been written
about the relationship between the president and the prime
minister, and the five-year term has changed little about this.
Before and after the year 2000 reform, the Élysée remains dependent
on Matignon. And while, after the law, the heads of state have the
power to pick their prime ministers, in fact this choice is
constrained by the political situation and each president’s own
history. However, loyalty toward the president no longer seems as
important as in the past: being obliged to control political
communication during a reduced mandate, presidents have preferred
to reinforce their own control over the government rather than to
rely on the voluntary servitude of the prime minister.]]></summary>
    </entry>
                                <entry>
    <id>tag:cairn.info,2005:article:POUV_192_0101</id>
    <title type="html"><![CDATA[
        Les services du Premier ministre |
        Matignon
                    | Pouvoirs
            (2025/1 N° 192)
            ]]></title>
        <link href="https://droit.cairn.info/revue-pouvoirs-2025-1-page-101?lang=fr" type="text/html" rel="alternate" />
    <published>2025-01-10T00:00:00+01:00</published>
    <updated>2026-01-07T17:14:22+01:00</updated>
            <summary type="html"><![CDATA[Following the emergence of Matignon over successive Republics, the
prime minister’s office represents a heterogeneous, complex, and
ever-changing galaxy. Between the offices needed by the prime
minister to perform his own functions and those that need to be
attached to the prime minister to perform their own obligations, we
can see the wealth of missions and the strength of the
institutional foundation of the head of government, who benefits
both from the overhang of an inter-ministerial position and the
confidence provided by his prime ministerial position.]]></summary>
    </entry>
                                <entry>
    <id>tag:cairn.info,2005:article:POUV_193_0063</id>
    <title type="html"><![CDATA[
        La liberté d’expression retournée contre l’État de droit |
        Qui en veut à l'État de droit ?
                    | Pouvoirs
            (2025/2 N° 193)
            ]]></title>
        <link href="https://droit.cairn.info/revue-pouvoirs-2025-2-page-63?lang=fr" type="text/html" rel="alternate" />
    <published>2025-04-04T00:00:00+02:00</published>
    <updated>2026-01-07T17:14:14+01:00</updated>
            <summary type="html"><![CDATA[It is often in the name of liberty itself that fundamental
liberties are attacked. The rules which aim to make freedom of
expression a reality for all by guaranteeing a pluralist
representation of opinions in the media are thus regularly accused
of being liberticides. This rhetoric was deployed forcefully in the
French public space in February 2024, following a ruling by the
Council of State regarding the CNews <span class=
"petitecap">tv</span> channel. The study of this case highlights a
strategy that consists in evoking the principles of the rule of law
in order to better subvert their implementation.]]></summary>
    </entry>
                                <entry>
    <id>tag:cairn.info,2005:article:POUV_193_0031</id>
    <title type="html"><![CDATA[
        Contester l’État de droit |
        Qui en veut à l'État de droit ?
                    | Pouvoirs
            (2025/2 N° 193)
            ]]></title>
        <link href="https://droit.cairn.info/revue-pouvoirs-2025-2-page-31?lang=fr" type="text/html" rel="alternate" />
    <published>2025-04-04T00:00:00+02:00</published>
    <updated>2026-01-07T17:14:07+01:00</updated>
            <summary type="html"><![CDATA[The article examines the forms taken by the challenges to the rule
of law. Starting from the discourses and ideologies that inspire
them, it tries to highlight the most radical forms taken by these
challenges in an approach that can be considered as an archaeology
of contemporary terrorism.]]></summary>
    </entry>
                                <entry>
    <id>tag:cairn.info,2005:article:POUV_192_0007</id>
    <title type="html"><![CDATA[
        Genèse des Premiers ministres |
        Matignon
                    | Pouvoirs
            (2025/1 N° 192)
            ]]></title>
        <link href="https://droit.cairn.info/revue-pouvoirs-2025-1-page-7?lang=fr" type="text/html" rel="alternate" />
    <published>2025-01-10T00:00:00+01:00</published>
    <updated>2026-01-07T17:13:59+01:00</updated>
            <summary type="html"><![CDATA[What can the history of Number Two teach us about the emergence of
the function of prime minister? While this position, submitted to
the pressure of Number One and of the Parliament or the Court is
particularly difficult to occupy, it proves necessary so long as a
process of division of labour is being implemented. Number Two is
often the backbone of elaborate political organisations, acting as
a linchpin between the different powers. The prime ministers ofthe
Fifth Republic are therefore, to some extent, the heirs of the
Super Ministers and Vizirs of the past.]]></summary>
    </entry>
                                <entry>
    <id>tag:cairn.info,2005:article:CDLJ_253_0359</id>
    <title type="html"><![CDATA[
        Justice et démocratie&#160;: l’État de droit en question |
        Le juge, l'État de droit et la démocratie
                    | Les Cahiers de la Justice
            (2025/3 n° 3)
            ]]></title>
        <link href="https://droit.cairn.info/revue-les-cahiers-de-la-justice-2025-3-page-359?lang=fr" type="text/html" rel="alternate" />
    <published>2025-11-25T00:00:00+01:00</published>
    <updated>2026-01-07T17:13:53+01:00</updated>
    </entry>
                                <entry>
    <id>tag:cairn.info,2005:article:POUV_193_0111</id>
    <title type="html"><![CDATA[
        L’État de droit face à la démocratie militante |
        Qui en veut à l'État de droit ?
                    | Pouvoirs
            (2025/2 N° 193)
            ]]></title>
        <link href="https://droit.cairn.info/revue-pouvoirs-2025-2-page-111?lang=fr" type="text/html" rel="alternate" />
    <published>2025-04-04T00:00:00+02:00</published>
    <updated>2026-01-07T17:13:46+01:00</updated>
            <summary type="html"><![CDATA[Faced with antidemocratic political organisations, liberal
democracy often tends to become “militant” and to establish
procedures specifically dedicated to its own protection. As a
general rule, research on the notion of militant democracy stresses
or justifies the contradictory character of a system that prohibits
an anti-democratic political party in order to protect the regime
of liberty. The article proposes to pursue this reflection by
highlighting the paradoxical links that unite militant democracy
and the rule of law: if the latter is both one of the objects and
one of the main means of this defence programme, it is also likely
to become one of its main collateral victims.]]></summary>
    </entry>
                                <entry>
    <id>tag:cairn.info,2005:article:CDLJ_253_0349</id>
    <title type="html"><![CDATA[
        Les juges, gardiens de l’État de droit |
        Le juge, l'État de droit et la démocratie
                    | Les Cahiers de la Justice
            (2025/3 n° 3)
            ]]></title>
        <link href="https://droit.cairn.info/revue-les-cahiers-de-la-justice-2025-3-page-349?lang=fr" type="text/html" rel="alternate" />
    <published>2025-11-25T00:00:00+01:00</published>
    <updated>2026-01-07T17:13:38+01:00</updated>
    </entry>
                                <entry>
    <id>tag:cairn.info,2005:article:CDAP_011_0001</id>
    <title type="html"><![CDATA[
        Réforme de l’État et gestion publique |
        Chroniques de l'administration publique
                    | Chroniques de l&#039;administration publique
            (2025/3 n° 11)
            ]]></title>
            <subtitle type="html">
            <![CDATA[1<sup>er</sup> juillet&#160;–&#160;30 septembre 2025]]>
        </subtitle>
        <link href="https://droit.cairn.info/revue-chroniques-de-ladministration-publique-2025-3-page-1?lang=fr" type="text/html" rel="alternate" />
    <published>2025-11-18T00:00:00+01:00</published>
    <updated>2026-01-07T17:13:30+01:00</updated>
    </entry>
                                <entry>
    <id>tag:cairn.info,2005:article:DELIB_024_0058</id>
    <title type="html"><![CDATA[
        Liberté d’expression en sursis pour les magistrat·es |
        Épreuves de nationalité
                    | Délibérée
            (2025/1 N° 24)
            ]]></title>
        <link href="https://droit.cairn.info/revue-deliberee-2025-1-page-58?lang=fr" type="text/html" rel="alternate" />
    <published>2025-03-11T00:00:00+01:00</published>
    <updated>2026-01-07T17:13:24+01:00</updated>
    </entry>
                                <entry>
    <id>tag:cairn.info,2005:article:POUV_192_0027</id>
    <title type="html"><![CDATA[
        Le Premier ministre, chef de la majorité |
        Matignon
                    | Pouvoirs
            (2025/1 N° 192)
            ]]></title>
        <link href="https://droit.cairn.info/revue-pouvoirs-2025-1-page-27?lang=fr" type="text/html" rel="alternate" />
    <published>2025-01-10T00:00:00+01:00</published>
    <updated>2026-01-07T17:13:16+01:00</updated>
            <summary type="html"><![CDATA[The article analyses the ambiguous role played by the prime
minister as “majority leader” under the Fifth Republic, a title
that is often referred to but is not mentioned in the Constitution.
Although this role is frequently attributed to him in political
speeches, its recognition depends on the political balance of
forces, on the political capital of the prime minister and on his
ability to mobilise his majority. With the strengthening of
presidential power in 1962 and, more recently, the establishment of
the five-year mandate, the leadership of the prime minister has
become a complex power game influenced by the relations with the
president and the changing institutional arrangements.]]></summary>
    </entry>
                                <entry>
    <id>tag:cairn.info,2005:article:POUV_192_0039</id>
    <title type="html"><![CDATA[
        Le Premier ministre, un acteur parlementaire de premier plan |
        Matignon
                    | Pouvoirs
            (2025/1 N° 192)
            ]]></title>
        <link href="https://droit.cairn.info/revue-pouvoirs-2025-1-page-39?lang=fr" type="text/html" rel="alternate" />
    <published>2025-01-10T00:00:00+01:00</published>
    <updated>2026-01-07T17:13:10+01:00</updated>
            <summary type="html"><![CDATA[The prime minister plays multiple roles in the parliamentary
chambers. First among ministers, he is also the major political
actor in Parliament and is deeply involved all along the
legislative process. Having major control over the content of
bills, he makes every effort to impose his own rhythm of reforms to
the chambers, at the expense of parliamentarians. While the latter
should be in a position to monitor accurately the government’s
action, it must be noted that this monitoring does not measure up
to the key role played by the prime minister.]]></summary>
    </entry>
                                <entry>
    <id>tag:cairn.info,2005:article:CDAP_008_0001</id>
    <title type="html"><![CDATA[
        Réforme de l’État et gestion publique |
        Chroniques de l'administration publique
                    | Chroniques de l&#039;administration publique
            (2024/4 n° 8)
            ]]></title>
            <subtitle type="html">
            <![CDATA[1<sup>er</sup> octobre&#160;–&#160;31 décembre 2024]]>
        </subtitle>
        <link href="https://droit.cairn.info/revue-chroniques-de-l-administration-publique-2024-4-page-1?lang=fr" type="text/html" rel="alternate" />
    <published>2025-02-14T00:00:00+01:00</published>
    <updated>2026-01-07T17:13:03+01:00</updated>
    </entry>
                                <entry>
    <id>tag:cairn.info,2005:article:CDLJ_2502_0191</id>
    <title type="html"><![CDATA[
        Justice et intelligence artificielle |
        L’IA judiciaire entre innovations et risques
                    | Les Cahiers de la Justice
            (2025/2 n° 2)
            ]]></title>
        <link href="https://droit.cairn.info/revue-les-cahiers-de-la-justice-2025-2-page-191?lang=fr" type="text/html" rel="alternate" />
    <published>2025-06-23T00:00:00+02:00</published>
    <updated>2026-01-07T17:12:53+01:00</updated>
    </entry>
                                <entry>
    <id>tag:cairn.info,2005:article:CDLJ_2502_0205</id>
    <title type="html"><![CDATA[
        L’intelligence artificielle et les raisonnements des magistrats |
        L’IA judiciaire entre innovations et risques
                    | Les Cahiers de la Justice
            (2025/2 n° 2)
            ]]></title>
        <link href="https://droit.cairn.info/revue-les-cahiers-de-la-justice-2025-2-page-205?lang=fr" type="text/html" rel="alternate" />
    <published>2025-06-23T00:00:00+02:00</published>
    <updated>2026-01-07T17:12:45+01:00</updated>
    </entry>
                                <entry>
    <id>tag:cairn.info,2005:article:POUV_193_0099</id>
    <title type="html"><![CDATA[
        La haine du droit |
        Qui en veut à l'État de droit ?
                    | Pouvoirs
            (2025/2 N° 193)
            ]]></title>
        <link href="https://droit.cairn.info/revue-pouvoirs-2025-2-page-99?lang=fr" type="text/html" rel="alternate" />
    <published>2025-04-04T00:00:00+02:00</published>
    <updated>2026-01-07T17:12:22+01:00</updated>
            <summary type="html"><![CDATA[What does it mean, to hate the law? The holistic analysis as well
as the subjectivist school describe the hatred of the law as an
asocial, individual phenomenon. Hatred and anomy are supposed to
describe the behaviour of disoriented agents unwilling to abide by
the rules that structure life in society, although such a deviance
is punished by the authorities. But doctrines and discursive
practices that promote hatred of the law emerged at the time of the
French Revolution and were the work of counter-revolutionary
theorists who saw in the law an abomination contrary to the social
order. This reasoning is still largely shared by the most
reactionary fringes of the political realm: the contemporary
critiques of human rights, or of “human rightsism”, continue to
perpetrate hatred of the law. The analysis of this historical
phenomenon, i.e. clearly dated and located in time, implies a
review of the objective conditions of its emergence, the French
revolutionary moment, in order to grasp the reasons for its
resurgence and efficiency.]]></summary>
    </entry>
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